Guantanamo on the Hudson
By Starhawk, RNC Update 12, 7 September 2004
“Guantanamo on the Hudson” is what the activists and media dubbed Pier 57, the
site where all of us who were arrested during the RNC protests were taken. The
name is on the one hand an unfair comparison—we were interned there for days,
not months and years, we were not hooded nor beaten nor deprived of all of our
human rights. But perhaps you have to be locked up for a short time to appreciate
how long that time can drag out, how endless twenty or thirty or forty hours
can seem, and then appreciate what it must be like to be sequestered away for
months and years, denied communication with the outside world, denied lawyers
or any system of law through which you can demand your rights. A couple
of days of baloney sandwiches, feeling how hungry you get and how wistfully
you dream of real food cooked by someone who loves you, and you can appreciate
the Palestinians on hunger strike for better conditions in Israeli jails, where
they can be held for six months at a time on ‘administrative detention’ with
no trial, and that six months can be renewed for as long as the authorities
want. A day or two suffering the boredom and fear and frustration and
waiting, the sensory denial and discomfort, the restriction of choices and freedom
that jail represents, and you can appreciate the rage of those who are condemned
to whole lifetimes intertwined with this system. Those statistics—that
one out of three African American men under 35 are in jail or under the supervision
of the criminal justice system, that if you are black you have a better chance
of going to prison than to college—begin to become real, and the horror of it
moves from being something you can appreciate with your mind to something you
feel viscerally, with your body. Most people believe that there are two types
of people in the world—criminals, others, who deserve to be in jail, and those
who don’t, us. Once the door slams shut, those distinctions start to break
down.
But let me just tell the story. When I left off in my last update, I and
about ten to fifteen others from the Pagan Cluster had just been arrested with
much of the Code Orange affinity group from the Bay Area, blocking traffic just
south of Herald Square. We were handcuffed and loaded into a paddy wagon,
and driven to the pier where we were lined up, our stuff was taken and bagged,
and we were placed into pens, the women separated from the men.
The pens were big chain-linked enclosures in the huge, covered pier, that could
each hold up to a hundred people or more. There was a narrow, metal bench
around the edge but nowhere else to sit down or lie down except the floor, which
was filthy asphalt, covered with stains and grease and old diesel fuel. Delylah
had already warned us that people were coming to the medics with mysterious
rashes after contact with the ground, so I tried to stay off of it. The
pier was also loud, echoey and with the constant noise of machinery and motors,
so conversation was difficult.
Our group and some of the Code Orange women had gone in as Jane Does, withholding
our names until we saw whether or not we would have the numbers and the necessity
for a jail solidarity stand. As we grouped up in the pen and began talking
to others, we realized that the vast majority of prisoners there had not intended
to be arrested or planned for it. There were women in white who had been
part of the War Resisters’ League funeral march from Ground Zero to the convention.
Over a hundred of them had been arrested before they ever left the park,
surrounded by police and not given a chance to leave while they were still legally
on the sidewalk and attempting to obey all police orders. There were women in
frou-frou costumes and feather boas and thrift-store cocktail dresses who had
been part of the roving street party action, scooped up before they got out
of Union Square. There were others who had been rounded up at orientation spots
or in impromptu marches, and plenty who had not been part of the protests at
all but had been in the wrong place coming home from work or stepping out to
get milk for their coffee. It became clear that the jail issue most people
would be concerned with would be getting out as soon as possible, not trying
to stay in and exert pressure on a system that had enormous resources. So
we switched our strategy, figured out some simple ways to communicate with each
other, and settled in.
While the physical conditions at the Pier were abominable, in other ways the
situation reminded me of the mass nonviolent direct actions we had done in the
eighties, around nuclear issues—the situation was frustrating and uncomfortable,
but no one was getting beaten or tortured, people of color were not getting
removed and singled out, there were none of the horrors some of us had faced
in Genoa or Miami. There were a few incidences of brutality, and one man,
Cory, was pepper sprayed with his contact lenses on during his arrest and then
left in a paddy wagon for two hours with no medical care. But overall,
in spite of the whole campaign of propaganda that preceded the actions, even
many of the police were sympathetic. As I was taken out to have my property
cataloged, my arresting officer told me that he respected what we were doing,
that he was a Democrat and didn’t like Bush, either, and that no one in the
Pier was a criminal in his eyes.
In the pens, all the groups doing actions, which had never quite come together
in mass meetings or spokescouncils before the day, met up at last. Anarchists
and pacifists mixed together. The War Resisters’ League action had attracted
an older, gray-haired crowd, many of whom were highly experienced at nonviolent
direct actions. One woman and I realized we had been in jail together
over twenty years before, at the Livermore Weapons Lab in the Bay Area. The
street party seemed to attract a younger crowd. And over the evening,
more people came in from Herald Square, where actions continued. A group
of a couple hundred had started an impromtu march in the streets, and eventually
arrested. Another affinity group had blocked a bus full of delegates, whipped
out Abu-Ghraib style hoods, and sat in the road with them on for over half an
hour. The energy was high and almost festive, although people
were tired. Our objectives had been to cause some disruption to the convention,
to pierce through the bubble of insulation that surrounded the Republicans and
put the protests into their face. And to demonstrate that Bush could only
be nominated by rounded up and jailing hundreds or thousands of people who actively
withdrew consent from his policies. And in that we succeeded.
The night wore on, and we got more and more tired. I sat on the bench
and slept sitting up, either leaning back awkwardly on the chain links or cradling
my head in my hands and leaning my elbow on my knee. At intervals, we
all woke up and started talking. One of the older women mentioned she
had to get out to teach some classes. We asked her what she taught, and
she said, “Tap dancing.” Then she gave us a wonderful, impromptu lesson.
Before we knew it, half a dozen of us were learning to tap and shuffle and were
singing old show tunes, trying to remember all the words to “Give my regards
to Broadway…remember me to Herald Square.”
Eventually I got so tired that I took a spare sheet of paper from the receipt
I’d been given for my belongings, put it under my head, steeled myself to ignore
the grease and lay down on the floor, where I fell asleep, grateful for my own
natural padding.
At dawn our cell block was marched out to busses and taken to the main jail.
We had a moment of hope that we would be getting processed out soon, but
we had merely shifted our waiting to another site. We were put into a
big cell, with steel bars and a concrete bench and a toilet and sink. The
toilet was half-screened by a low wall which made it much more civilized that
most holding cells I’ve been in where the facilities are open to public view.
We waited. A young, very thin woman in our cell began breathing
hard, having a panic attack and Delylah and I worked on her to ground and calm
down. We had just about succeeded when the guards came in to take her to the
medics, probably the worst thing for her.
We waited. The day passed in different stretches of waiting and processing.
We were taken to be photographed, then to be fingerprinted on their computerized
machines—which don’t always work very well, especially if you’re a bit older
and the grooves on your fingerprints are worn. We were divided and reshuffled
so it was hard to stay in any one group. I lost Delylah, but spent most
of the day with Lisa and Juniper. At one point, we spent hours in the
Yellow Cell which actually had a few mats on the floor, and I passed out and
slept deeply. When I woke up, some of the other older women were suggesting
that we try to help those who had not intended to get arrested to collect names
and organize themselves. We began talking to the group about taking control
of our time and space in the jail, about how lucky we were to be together and
what an opportunity it was to organize. And about privelege—how for most of
us this was an anomalous experience, different from our everyday lives, but
for people of color, jail and prison were too often the fate the system prescribed
for them. We tried to organize a talent show but it was a shy group, so
Lisa and Juniper and I sang some of our chants for everyone, stirring a bit
of healing energy into the mix.
I felt calm and meditative throughout the day. All the work, the meetings,
the calls, the details were either done or couldn’t be done. My cell phone
was locked up and I knew this process would take a long time and that nothing
much that I could do would affect that—and that in the vast scheme of things
it wouldn’t be a very long time at all. The guards were behaving
like reasonable human beings, responding to our requests for water or for more
or less air. They even provided soy cheese and a box of fresh peaches
for some of the women who could not eat wheat or dairy. And many of them
also seemed sympathetic. While I was waiting for the medical screening interview,
one of the New York City cops, a big, friendly, funny guy, advised us not to
be too forthcoming with our complete medical history—that if we had something
currently wrong or had immediate needs, to report it, but if we had, say, a
childhood history of asthma that was not currently active and mentioned it,
we would spend extra hours waiting at the hospital to be examined. It
was just what I would have told everyone in a jail training if we could have
gotten everyone to take a jail training before this. Later he told me
he’d been injured on September 11, was just waiting out four more months to
early retirement, had compromised lungs from 29 straight days at Ground Zero,
searching for his captain who died in the attacks. One of the facts we
had culled for our action flyer was that the EPA had certified the air at Ground
Zero safe on September 13, when they knew it wasn’t. And that hundreds of police
and firefighters and rescue workers now have permanent lung damage, along with
thousands of other New Yorkers.
I felt for him. I could feel how much he cared personally for his friend
who’d died in the towers, I could sense his rage at the system and that even
though I was at that moment his prisoner, not much truly divided us. I’ve
seen a lot of police brutality over the past few years. I’ve faced plenty
of cops who were truly unreachable and fascist and enjoyed wielding their power.
I’m very wary of naïve attempts to reach out and have dialogue with those who
are your captors. The Stockholm Syndrome, that human need to identify
with those who hold power over you, is real and easy to be seduced by. But in
this action, more than any time since the milder actions of the ‘eighties, I
felt the real possibility of alliance that crossed the lines. And we need
those alliances. An agenda of fascist control can only be put into place
if the enforcers go along with it. If they refuse, if they stop supporting
the authorities with their obedience to orders, the system will fall.
Eventually, I got out, around 1:30 AM on September 2. I met with a lawyer
from the National Lawyer’s Guild who told me what my charges were and that I
would be arraigned before a judge and could enter a plea. She also told
me that she had bad news: that there were police outside waiting to arrest
me as soon as I got out. They were from San Francisco, or from Suffolk
County, and could I think of any reason why they would be waiting for me? I
couldn’t, actually. I had no outstanding warrants or even, to my knowledge,
parking tickets in San Francisco and I had never been to Suffolk County, as
far as I knew. She went to check out the rumor while I practiced grounding and
staying calm—when she came back, she told me it was a false alarm, that they
had been waiting for someone else, poor soul, and were gone. I pled guilty
to a minor traffic violation, which does not go onto a criminal record, agreed
to pay a fine, and was released. Why? Well, unlike the hundreds
of people who were illegally arrested that night, I actually had been blocking
traffic, and one aspect of nonviolent practice is the willingness to accept
the consequences of your actions.
I was greeted by the jail support vigil, a big group who were camped out across
the street from the jail, and who rushed forward with big hugs. I gave the legal
people my legal information, and had the medical people check me out, and then
ate some food. Lisa and Juniper were released earlier, but most of our cluster
were still in jail. So I joined the vigil, sleeping for a while
on the pavement in a warm pile with some of the cluster, then on the floor of
the van some of our support people had driven down in from the Vermont Witch
Camp, then finally went home to bed for a few hours.
We spent the next day mostly at the vigil, waiting as the rest of our cluster
slowly trickled out, and as throughout the day the lawyers tried various tactics
to get the guards to speed up the slow process of release and get people out.
New York has a 24 hour policy—after that prisoners are supposed to be
brought before a judge or released. Eventually a judge told them to release
450 prisoners by 5 pm on Thursday 9/2 or face a fine of $1000 a piece, but apparently
they had budgeted for fines as people were still held for hours.
At the end of the day on Thursday, we went down to Union Square for a closing
gathering while Dubya made his acceptance speech. The energy in the square
was beautiful—so many people out and doing so many creative actions. Our
cluster did a spiral dance near the Gandhi statue that attracted every drummer
in the park and turned into a hot, ecstatic circle of drumming and dancing.
There were guitarists strumming and people in small groups making speeches
and Code Orange was circulating through the park in a line of people with strips
of cloth binding their mouths that said things like ‘Fear’ and “Repression’
and other strips across their brows saying “Freedom” and “Resistance.” It seemed
as if everyone had brought the art and street theater and flyers and ideas they
didn’t get to do on the action day, and that democracy did truly begin where
the barricades ended, as the call to action had said. The gathering eventually
turned into a strong, spirited march to the convention center, while inside,
we learned later, Bush’s speech was interrupted twice by protestors.
We spent the next days cleaning up and debriefing. At some later point—when
I can stay awake for more than two hours at a stretch, I’ll try to write more
of an assessment of all that went on. But for now, let me just say this:
For five days, while the Republicans met in New York City they were met with
massive resistance, with every form of nonviolent protest imaginable—from huge,
permitted marches to small, breakaway marches, from confrontations at their
parties to disruptions of their speeches, from street theater to blockades,
from conferences to parties in the park, from parody to poetry to mass direct
action. In spite of vicious campaigns of disinformation and propaganda
directed against protestors, we were met with overwhelming support from ordinary
people and even with sympathy from many of the cops and guards. In spite
of massive pre-emptive arrests, we continued to fill the streets. We came
as close as we’ve come yet to a mass, popular uprising. The connections
and trust between various groups are stronger now than they were when we started.
We overcame fear, and showed at least a glimpse of the world we want to
create.
www.starhawk.org <http://www.starhawk.org/>
Donations for the action can be sent to:
RANT
1405 Hillmount St.
Austin, Texas
78704
U.S.A.
Starhawk is an activist, organizer, and author of Webs of Power: Notes from
the Global Uprising and eight other books on feminism, politics and earth-based
spirituality. She teaches Earth Activist Trainings that combine permaculture
design and activist skills, and works with the RANT trainer’s collective, www.rantcollective.org
<http://www.rantcollective.org/> that offers training and support for mobilizations around global justice
and peace issues.
To get her periodic posts of her writings, email Starhawk-subscribe@lists.riseup.net
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